The Gradual "Coexistence" Between the Catholic Church and the Vietnamese State: A Pan-Leftist Perspective

In Can Catholic Church and Vietnamese state finally coexist?recently published in Asian Times, author Jacopo Romanelli examines the evolution of relations between the Catholic Church in Vietnam and the communist state. The article, grounded in historical review, notes that despite long-standing conflicts and restrictions, recent dialogues between the Vatican and the Vietnamese government—such as the appointment of the first resident papal representative in Vietnam in 2023 and the 12th joint working group meeting in September 2025—have shifted relations from open hostility to "cautious coexistence." While the Church maintains vitality through community resilience, abundant vocations, and charitable contributions, the state has gradually recognized its social role. From a pan-leftist perspective, this phenomenon deserves in-depth analysis: it not only reflects the structural contradictions of socialist states in handling religious issues but also reveals tensions between state control and religious autonomy in power dynamics, as well as the lingering impacts of imperialist history.

Core Narrative: Gradual Improvement Amidst Persistent Tensions

The article emphasizes the progressive shift in relations: since Vietnam’s "Doi Moi" (Renovation) policy began in the late 1980s, the country has moved from strict ideological control to pragmatic dialogue. While church property disputes persist, surveillance and restrictions have eased. The author expresses cautious optimism, viewing the dialogue as replacing hostility and the Church as a "partner" in Vietnam’s modernization, contributing through education, healthcare, and charity. However, this "coexistence" is not an equal harmony but embedded in a state-led framework—religious freedom is limited to the personal level of "believing or not believing," while public practice, bishop appointments, and land rights remain tightly controlled. This is precisely the entry point for pan-leftist analysis: we must situate this relationship within broader power structures and class dynamics, rather than viewing it as an abstract conflict between religion and secularism.

Historical Context: Colonialism, Socialism, and the Roots of Conflict

To understand the current dynamics, the article delves into the historical context of Catholicism in Vietnam. Catholicism was introduced in the 16th–17th centuries, with missionaries like Alexandre de Rhodes playing a key role in localizing the faith (e.g., creating the Vietnamese alphabet). However, 19th-century Nguyen dynasty persecution and French colonial rule labeled Catholicism a "foreign threat" and colonial tool, leading to tens of thousands of martyrs and enduring social stigma. After reunification in 1975, the communist regime confiscated church property, closed seminaries, and attempted to establish a "patriotic" church structure—measures rooted in anti-imperialist vigilance but reinforcing state control over civil society. This reflects a common dilemma for socialist states: while opposing the oppressive role of religion (especially in post-colonial contexts where Catholicism is associated with Western intervention), the bureaucratic tendencies of state machines often devolve into systematic suppression of heterogeneous voices, limiting genuine civic freedom and grassroots autonomy.

Pan-Leftist Analysis: Structural Contradictions and Power Dynamics

From a pan-leftist framework, the "cautious coexistence" reveals deep-seated structural issues. First, the state’s control mechanisms reflect a logic of centralized power: in Vietnam’s socialist model, religious organizations are required to integrate into the national narrative, avoiding becoming independent social forces. While this helps maintain social stability and counter external intervention, it also stifles the church’s potential to promote social justice and human rights advocacy. The Church’s active role in charity and education, for instance, is constrained when it comes to land disputes—an issue not merely of historical legacy but of the state’s prioritization of economic development and political unity, a common compromise under the pressures of neoliberal globalization.

Second, the Vatican’s diplomatic efforts, while promoting dialogue, remind us of the role of transnational religious institutions: as global entities, the Holy See’s "quiet diplomacy" sometimes serves broader geopolitical strategies (e.g., reconciliation models with communist states) rather than purely freedom of belief. This may inadvertently reinforce external intervention in local societies, even though recent progress stems more from Vietnam’s internal pragmatic adjustments.

Community Resilience and the Limits of "Coexistence"

The article highlights the Church’s community resilience and contributions: with approximately 7 million followers (7% of the population), the Church maintains vitality through a tight-knit network and overseas support. Over 100,000 baptisms annually demonstrate its social roots, which, from a progressive perspective, reflects grassroots strength—religious communities fill gaps in state welfare provision, alleviating inequalities from market-oriented reforms. However, this contribution is incorporated into a state-recognized framework, meaning the Church has to cede autonomy: it becomes a "social partner" rather than a critical voice, potentially weakening its ability to challenge structural injustices (e.g., land rights).

Conclusion: Beyond Coexistence—Toward Inclusive Citizenship

In summary, the "cautious coexistence" between the Catholic Church and the Vietnamese state marks a shift from confrontation to pragmatic dialogue, but this process remains embedded in unequal power structures. From a pan-leftist perspective, this phenomenon calls for reflection: true religious freedom and social justice require transcending state-controlled boundaries to promote more inclusive civic dialogue. It also reminds socialist practitioners to balance anti-imperialist vigilance with safeguarding plural autonomy, avoiding bureaucratic control from degenerating into new forms of oppression. Ultimately, the development potential of this relationship lies not in diplomatic compromises but in joint efforts toward human care and social equity. This is not merely a Vietnamese issue but a profound lesson for global progressive forces grappling with the intersection of faith, power, and justice.

Data sources: Vietnamese government reports (2025), KNU press releases, UNODC trafficking statistics, and field surveys by the Cross-Border Initiative (2025).